Harsh rhetoric sets stage for High Noon drama in Netanyahu’s Congress speech
The
prime minister’s onslaught could convince Tehran to take the nuclear
deal and to widen current U.S.-Israel rift to a historic rupture.
By Chemi Shalev
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If
there was any hope in the Prime Minister’s Office that recent reports
of breakthroughs in the nuclear talks with Iran would blunt some of the
controversy and create a more convenient atmosphere in advance of Prime
Minister Netanyahu’s address to Congress, by mid-week it was clear that
this was nothing more than a temporary lull before all-out war broke
out. The administration brought out its heavy guns, Netanyahu
counterattacked with harsh tones and wagging finger, burning his bridges
with Democratic senators in the process.
Susan
Rice, often described as the “feistiest” of Netanyahu’s Washington
foes, said his latest moves were “destructive”. Secretary of State John
Kerry lost his familiar cool before a skeptical Congressional panel,
conjuring Netanyahu’s misplaced 2002 projections about Iraq in an effort
to undermine his dire 2015 predictions on Iran. Netanyahu, for his
part, began to talk to world’s powers in the same language he addresses
his political foes, accusing them of capitulation before he goes on,
presumably, to describe them as weak-kneed, anti-Zionist enemies of the
state.
All
this against a backdrop of increasingly high-octane rhetoric, starting
with Democratic Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois, an Israel supporter and
AIPAC stalwart, who accused Netanyahu of “disappointing those of us who
have stood with Israel for decades”; through Tennessee Congressman
Steve Cohen who described Netanyahu as “reckless”; and, most injuriously
of all, Daily Show host Jon Stewart who used the recent revelations of
questionable intelligence documents to accuse Netanyahu of spreading the
same kind of lies about Iran that the Bush administration used to
justify its war in Iraq – and with similar goals in mind.
On
the other hand, however, one can’t deny that this ballooning brouhaha
is only enhancing the anticipation and expectations in advance of
Netanyahu’s speech, turning it into a potential ratings blockbuster, the
best show in town, a one on one, High Noon
style showdown between Netanyahu and President Obama, tense political
drama of the kind that House of Card writers can only dream about.
Before the fight of the century between boxers Mayweather and Pacquiao,
Netanyahu will be stepping up to a Capitol Hill podium for his own
fateful battle, with the whole world against him and only the
Republicans cheering him on.
It’s
impossible to tell what the reaction will be on the day after, but the
headlines the night before are crystal clear: “The speech of his life”.
Not only because his Congress appearance is emerging as Netanyahu’s last
defense against the incessant wave of negative publicity and
insinuations of corruption that are plaguing his chances for reelection,
but because this is the supposedly Churchillian moment that he’s been
waiting for all his life. Now he will be Daniel entering the Lions’ Den
to caution the world against the dangers he’s been warning about for the
past quarter century at least: “One cannot dismiss the possibility,” he
wrote in his 1995 book A Place Among the Nations, “that Iran will use
atomic weapons, not only against Israel but against other countries,
will deceive Western countries, including the United States, first and
foremost, and thus try to bring about the ancient vision of the victory
of Islam over the infidels.”
The
strange and even tragic thing is that in recent weeks, Netanyahu has
been doing all he can to help the Iranians achieve what he describes as
“a license” to make nuclear weapons, first by alienating Obama and the
administration and they by infuriating the Democratic senators, without
which there is no veto-proof majority that can sustain legislation that
might stop the deal. Such was the case when he declined the invitations
of Senators Durbin and Feinstein to meet separately and privately with
Democratic senators by using the preposterous claim that it is this,
rather than his collusion with Boehner on the invitation, that would
damage bipartisan support for Israel.
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