The eternal cycle: Death and destruction in Gaza
Hamas’s
steadfastness in the Gaza war is proof not only of the blindness of our
rulers but also of the power of the inhabitants of the long-besieged
and bombed ghetto.
By Yitzhak Laor
Immediately
after the occupation of the territories, Israeli political and
intelligence officials began to debate the expulsion of hundreds of
thousands of refugees from the Gaza Strip, on the assumption that it
would remain under Israeli control: to El-Arish in Sinai, to Iraq, to
Morocco.
As
always, academics were also consulted. Prof. Aryeh Dvoretzky, a Hebrew
University mathematician, suggested moving the Gazans into the homes of
Palestinians who had fled the West Bank in 1967. In doing so, he
explained, “you are provoking internal strife among the Palestinians
themselves,” who would not welcome the influx. At the same time, this
would reduce the population numbers in the Gaza Strip while also
deterring the return of the “new refugees” to their homes in the West
Bank.
The
Gaza Strip was a thorn in the Zionist imaginaire. No one knew what to
do with it. In the most “serious” effort, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol
appointed Ada Sereni, who had a bit of secret work in her past, to head a
team whose mission was to see to that reduction. Sereni believed it was
possible to “evacuate” a quarter of a million people to Jordan at
negligible cost, relatively speaking.
In
one meeting, Eshkol said: “I want them all to go, even if they go to
the moon.” (“1967: Israel, the War and the Year That Transformed the
Middle East,” Tom Segev, 2007). But Israel is not genuinely independent,
and no outside force would have permitted the state to fulfill its
desire to be rid of the Gazans. This is where the destructive
hallucinations that were to take shape over the years began.
Occupation
engenders resistance. Cruel occupation engenders fierce resistance, and
terrorism as well. For years, Israel — which did not even allow
commercial strikes in the territories to go by without harsh punishments
such as closing shops, arrests and torture — built the only track it
was eager for, that of “operations.” The murder of two Israeli children
in Gaza in early 1971 gave the signal to the Shaked special forces unit,
together with the Rimon reconnaissance unit, under the command of Meir
Dagan, which was established for the “operation.” Torture, manhunts,
arrests, destruction, the killing of civilians in their shacks and a few
dozen armed resistance fighters. Ariel Sharon coordinated the “war on
terror.” Troops who took part in the “culling” returned home with
horrific stories, such as the sight of corpses on the bumpers of jeeps
in the streets of towns and camps.
But
the consensus surrounding the oppression of the Gaza Strip was firm; no
Zionist party supported Palestinian independence, and certainly not an
independent state that would include the Gaza Strip. Hence the early
enclosure and slow strangulation of the Strip. Hence the deception over
the land bridge linking the Gaza Strip with the West Bank, as promised
in the Oslo Accords. Hence also the compliments to Sharon for his
“disengagement” (riddance) program, which was preceded and followed by
widespread killing.
Hundreds
of Palestinians have been killed and thousands injured in shelling and
bombardments since 2004 in Operation Rainbow (May), Operation Days of
Penitence (September-October), Operation Summer Rains (June-November
2006) and Operation Hot Winter (February-March 2008). Those with a short
memory, who live only the last war, remember at least the atrocity the
Olmert government brought to a peak in Operation Cast Lead (winter of
2008-09). There was never any real link between the events and the
“responses” of the Israel Defense Forces. They were always opportunities
for rampages. The assassination policy provided a popular trigger.
The
crueler the oppression became, the more extreme the resistance that
followed. Compared to Hamas, the old extreme Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine now looks like a study group for Marxist
humanism. But Hamas’s steadfastness in the current operation is proof
not only of the blindness of our rulers but also of the power — the
result of not having a choice in the matter — of the inhabitants of the
long-besieged and bombed ghetto.

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