Israel Faces New Brand of Terrorism, This Time From Young Settlers
By ISABEL KERSHNERJAN. 11, 2016
Photo
Youths
from the encampment of Baladim studying at the Maale Shlomo outpost in
the West Bank. Shin Bet, the security service, has identified Baladim as
a base where young Jewish activists formulated their radical agenda.
Credit Rina Castelnuovo for The New York Times
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MAALE
SHLOMO OUTPOST, West Bank — To hear his father tell it, Mordechai
Meyer, 18, a high school dropout, has spent the past few years camping
out with his teenage friends in the rolling hills around Jewish outposts
like this one in the northern West Bank. They want “to live simply, to
build their own things and to commune with God,” said the father,
Gedalia Meyer.
But Israel’s domestic security agency, Shin Bet,
says the younger Mr. Meyer belongs to a Jewish terrorist network, some
of whose members have been charged with grave crimes, including the July
arson attack that killed a Palestinian toddler and his parents in the
West Bank village of Duma. The two suspects in that case also spent time
in these hills.
The existence of the network, known as the Revolt
for the title of its manifesto, became known about six months ago,
after the arrest of several suspected members. This latest manifestation
of Jewish terrorism is the creation of young extremists rebelling
against what they view as the inertia of the Israeli establishment, and
it has fermented in lawless outposts like Baladim, a tiny encampment
outside Maale Shlomo, and Geulat Zion to the north.
Photo
Mr.
Meyer at his lawyer’s office in Jerusalem. Mr. Meyer was held in
administrative detention for five months as a suspect in arson attacks
before being released last week, and remains under house arrest at
night. Credit Rina Castelnuovo for The New York Times
Shin Bet
says the group poses a continuing danger of violence, and the
authorities have gone after it using extraordinary methods that were
previously reserved for Palestinians accused of terrorism. Suspects have
been imprisoned without charge under administrative detention orders,
and have been denied meetings with lawyers for as long as three weeks.
But
the attacks have not halted. One night last month, suspected Jewish
extremists threw two tear gas canisters into a small house in the
Palestinian village of Beitillu, according to the Israeli police. The
owner said he nearly choked as he escaped with his wife and child.
Hebrew graffiti on a nearby wall read “Revenge” and “Regards, the
detainees of Zion.”
The Duma attack and the Revolt have roiled the
pro-settlement establishment of religious Zionists. Settler leaders
have vehemently condemned the arson and called for the perpetrators to
be brought to justice.
Some in the settler community say Shin Bet
has exaggerated the risk posed by a few dozen uneducated youths, and
they fear that liberal and secular forces in Israel will exploit the
Duma episode to discredit the settlers.
“In criminal terms, it is a
terrible thing,” Yisrael Harel, a veteran leader of the settlement
movement, said of Duma and the shadowy network exposed by Shin Bet. “In
terms of significance, it is something that will disappear with the
passage of time.”
Mr. Harel described the Revolt as “a
metaphorical ticking bomb, not from the terrorist standpoint but from a
sociological one, for our public because it hurts a whole community.”
Shin
Bet says there are about 30 to 40 activists in the “hard core” of the
Revolt, many of them from a radical fringe of settlers known as hilltop
youths. They are said to operate in squads of two or three, using
weapons like fire bombs and spray paint.
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Mordechai
Meyer was placed in administrative detention five months ago when the
authorities suspected him of involvement in arson attacks on two
churches, but lacked enough evidence to charge him. A few days later,
Meir Ettinger, a grandson of Meir Kahane, the American-Israeli rabbi
considered the father of far-right Jewish militancy, was also detained;
Shin Bet said Mr. Ettinger is the leader of the Revolt, although it says
the network has no strict hierarchy.
Mr. Meyer was abruptly released on Jan. 3, after the Israeli authorities charged other suspects in the church arsons.
“From
the beginning, I said that it was a lie,” Mr. Meyer said in a brief
interview in his lawyer’s office in Jerusalem, accompanied by his
parents and wearing a large crocheted skullcap and long, flowing side
locks in the fashion of the hilltop youths.
“He was in jail for
nothing,” said his lawyer, Itzhak Bam, from Honenu, a right-wing legal
aid organization. “He did nothing wrong.”
Shin Bet said Mr. Meyer
was detained because he posed a danger as an active member of a
terrorist network. He remains under house arrest at night and is barred
from going anywhere in the West Bank except Maale Adumim, where his
family lives.
Asked whether he is involved in the Revolt, Mr. Meyer responded angrily, “Not answering.”
The
Revolt extremists’ manifesto says they seek the collapse of the state
of Israel, with its democratic government and courts, and the creation
of a Jewish kingdom to replace it based on religious law, with all
non-Jews expelled.
Shin Bet has made public a manual that it said
was written by another activist, Moshe Orbach, with instructions on how
to set fire to mosques and Palestinian houses.
The Revolt is a
more extreme outgrowth of an older generation of hilltop youths
following a doctrine known as the “Price Tag,” which called for attacks
in the West Bank against Palestinians and the Israeli military for two
purposes: deterring official moves against illegal settlement
construction, and revenge for Palestinian attacks on Jews.
Shin
Bet says the founders of the Revolt began formulating their ideas in the
fall of 2013. Extremists began attacking Christian churches, which did
not seem to have anything to do with deterring curbs on settlements, and
later started setting fire to houses with families sleeping inside, not
just empty ones, according to the agency.
Several Revolt suspects
come from respected families in the core of religious Zionism. Mr.
Meyer’s father is a rabbi and his mother, Sara, works with older adults.
The main suspect in the Duma case, Amiram Ben-Uliel, 21, is the son of a
rabbi and educator from Karmei Tzur.
The so-called Jewish
Underground of the 1980s, which killed and maimed Palestinian mayors and
students, was made up mainly of army veterans in their 30s. The Revolt,
by contrast, is largely composed of young high school dropouts whom the
army prefers not to draft.
“I think what we are dealing with is a
case of juvenile delinquency that got out of hand,” said David Haivri, a
veteran settler activist and a once-militant follower of Meir Kahane.
He said he hoped the Duma would serve as a “wake-up call for parents and
educators,” but he added, “I don’t think that a group of delinquents
who don’t believe in taking showers are going to overthrow the country.”
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According
to the charge sheet, Mr. Ben-Uliel and a minor accused of helping plan
the Duma attack said they were trying to avenge an Israeli man, Malakhi
Rosenfeld, 26, who was fatally shot by Palestinians as he rode in a car
the previous month.
“They are very, very angry with Israel,” Rabbi
Yuval Cherlow, a prominent voice in modern Orthodoxy, said of the
hilltop youths. They believe the state does too little to protect Jews
from Palestinian terrorism, he said, and “they do not even listen to the
most extreme rabbis.”
On a recent weekday, donkeys stood at the
entrance to Maale Shlomo, an unauthorized cluster of about two dozen
trailers perched high on a stony ridge. Testy teenagers with long side
locks milled about.
Yisrael Ben-Shlomo, who left New York 11 years
ago, tended to the frisky lambs in his sheep pen, whose metal frame the
younger Mr. Meyer helped to weld a year ago. He weighed his words
carefully before giving his views on the Revolt.
“The Jewish
people are in an era of redemption after almost 2,000 years in exile,”
he said. “The Arabs are not going to kill our civilians and expect that
no young kids are going to want to react and give them a taste of their
own medicine.”
Thursday, January 14, 2016
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