Sgt. Bergdahl and the Fog of War
by alethoBy Sheldon Richman | FFF | June 4, 2014
The
“fog of war” is a reference to the moral chaos on the battlefield as
well as the rampant confusion. Individuals kill others for no other
reason than that they are ordered to. Things deemed unambiguously bad in
civilian life are authorized and even lauded in war. The killing and
maiming of acknowledged innocents — in particular children and the
elderly — is excused as “collateral damage.”
No
wonder that some individuals thrust into this morass sometimes act
differently from how soldiers behave in romantic war movies. The hell of
war is internal as well as external.
We might remember this as the story of Sgt. Bowe Robert Bergdahl unfolds.
Bergdahl
volunteered for the U.S. military and was apparently a gung-ho soldier.
Americans have not been conscripted since 1973, but young Americans are
propagandized from childhood with the message that time in the military
is service to their country. Few question this narrative; fewer seek
rebuttals to it. You have to want to face the facts that governments lie
and that the service is to an empire having nothing to do with
Americans’ security.
This,
however, doesn’t relieve military personnel of responsibility for their
own conduct. In 1951 — while Americans were fighting in Korea — Leonard E. Read, one of the founders of the modern libertarian movement, published “Conscience on the Battlefield,”
in which a dying American soldier hears his conscience say that he —
not the army or government — bears responsibility for his deadly
conduct: “Does not the fault inhere in your not recognizing that the
consequences of your actions are irrevocably yours…?”
Bergdahl seems to have been plagued by this question. (See Michael Hastings’s revealing 2012 article.)
In his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four,
George Orwell described a regime that used war to keep its population
too frightened to ask questions and in which the enemy could change
without notice. Orwell may have exaggerated, but not by much. The United
States sided with one Afghan faction against the Soviets and their
Afghan allies in the 1980s, then switched when it replaced the Soviets
as invaders in 2001.
On
the surface, the war in Afghanistan seems easy to understand. The
Taliban government gave sanctuary to Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda, which
attacked American targets in the 1990s and on September 11, 2001.
But
things are not so simple. During the Soviet war in Afghanistan, the
U.S. government sided with the future Taliban and al-Qaeda. President
Reagan called the Afghan mujahideen“freedom fighters,” subsidized their
war, and hosted them at the White House.
After the Soviet exit and years of civil war, the Taliban became the brutal theocratic government of Afghanistan, but not an anti-American terrorist organization. Indeed, as late as May 2001, President George W. Bush was helping the Taliban suppress opium production. After 9/11, the Taliban made various offers to surrender or expel bin Laden, but the Bush administration was uninterested. (This lack of interest predated 9/11.)
Taliban attacks on American military targets since the U.S. invasion
should not be construed as terrorism, but rather as combat between
former government officials and the foreign force that overthrew them.
Anand Gopal, author of No Good Men Among the Living: America, the Taliban, and the War through Afghan Eyes, points out that soon after American forces invaded Afghanistan, “there was no enemy to fight”:
By mid-2002 there was no insurgency in Afghanistan: al-Qaeda had fled the country and the Taliban had ceased to exist as a military movement. Jalaluddin Haqqani [whose “network” held Bergdahl captive] and other top Taliban figures were reaching out to the other side in an attempt to cut a deal and lay down their arms.
But, Gopal writes, “driven by the idée fixe that
the world was rigidly divided into terrorist and non-terrorist camps,
Washington allied with Afghan warlords and strongmen. Their enemies
became ours, and through faulty intelligence, their feuds became
repackaged as ‘counterterrorism.’”
When
Haqqani, a celebrated freedom fighter during the Soviet war, turned
down a deal from the Americans because it included detention, the U.S.
military attacked his home province and other areas, killing his
brother-in-law and innocent children.
If he wasn’t with the Americans, he was against them, and therefore it was open season.
In this whirlwind of cynicism and relativism, can anyone be blamed for wondering what the point of the war was?

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